Greg Palast: Was the Invasion of Iraq A Jewish Conspiracy?


Richard Moore

Date: Mon, 26 Jun 2006 04:02:46 -0400
From: Greg Palast <•••@••.•••>
Subject: Was the Invasion of Iraq A Jewish Conspiracy?

Was the Invasion of Iraq A Jewish Conspiracy?

Tikkun Magazine JULY/AUGUST 2006

June 26, 2006

Did the Jews do it?

The US Congress will open hearings this week on the War in Iraq -- a wee bit 
late one might think.  But one question at the forefront of the minds of many on
both the Left and the Right is sure not to be asked:  Did the Jews do it?  I 
mean, after killing Jesus, did the Elders of Zion manipulate the government of 
the United States into invading Babylon as part of a scheme to abet the 
expansion of Greater Israel?

The question was first posed to me in 2004 when I was speaking at a meeting of 
Mobilization for Peace in San Jose. A member of the audience asked, ³Put it 
together‹ Who¹s behind this war? Paul Wolfowitz and Elliott Abrams and the 
Project for a ³Jew² American Century and, and, why don¹t you talk about that, 
huh?  And ....²

But the questioner never had the full opportunity to complete his query because,
flushed and red, he began to charge the stage. The peace activists attempted to 
detain the gentleman‹whose confederates then grabbed some chairs to swing. As 
the Peace Center was taking on a somewhat warlike character, I chose to call in 
the authorities and slip out the back.

Still, his question intrigued me. As an investigative reporter, ³Who¹s behind 
this war?² seemed like a reasonable challenge‹and if it were a plot of 
Christ-killers and Illuminati, so be it. I just report the facts, ma¹am.

And frankly, at first, it seemed like the gent had a point, twisted though his 
spin might be. There was Paul Wolfowitz, before Congress in March 2003, offering
Americans the bargain of the century: a free Iraq‹not ³free² as in ³freedom and 
democracy² but free in the sense of this won¹t cost us a penny. Wolfowitz 
testified: ³There¹s a lot of money to pay for this that doesn¹t have to be U.S. 
taxpayer money.²

A "Free" Iraq

And where would these billions come from? Wolfowitz told us: ³It starts with the
assets of the Iraqi people.... The oil revenues of that country could bring 
between $50 and $100 billion over the next two or three years.²

This was no small matter. The vulpine Deputy Defense Secretary knew that the 
number one question on the minds of Americans was not, ³Does Saddam really have 
the bomb?² but ³What¹s this little war going to cost us?²

However, Wolfowitz left something out of his testimony: the truth. I hunted for 
weeks for the source of the Pentagon¹s oil revenue projections‹and found them. 
They were wildly different from the Wolfowitz testimony. But this was not 
perjury. Ever since the conviction of Elliott Abrams for perjury before Congress
during the Iran-Contra hearings, neither Wolfowitz nor the other Bush factotums 
swear an oath before testifying. If you don¹t raise your hand and promise to 
tell the truth, ³so help me, God,² you¹re off the hook with federal prosecutors.

How the Lord will judge that little ploy, we cannot say.

But Wolfowitz¹s little numbers game can hardly count as a Great Zionist 
conspiracy.  That seemed to come, at first glance, in the form of a confidential
101-page document slipped to our team at BBC's Newsnight.  It detailed the 
economic "recovery" of Iraq's post-conquest economy.  This blueprint for 
occupation, we learned, was first devised in secret in late 2001.

Notably, this program for Iraq's recovery wasn¹t written by Iraqis; rather, it 
was promoted by the neo-conservatives of the Defense Department, home of Abrams,
Wolfowitz, Harold Rhode and other desktop Napoleons unafraid of moving toy tanks
around the Pentagon war room.

Nose-Twist¹s Hidden Hand

The neo-cons¹ 101-page confidential document, which came to me in a brown 
envelope in February 2001, just before the tanks rolled, goes boldly where no 
U.S. invasion plan had gone before: the complete rewrite of the conquered 
state¹s ³policies, law and regulations.² A cap on the income taxes of Iraq¹s 
wealthiest was included as a matter of course. And this was undoubtedly 
history¹s first military assault plan appended to a program for toughening the 
target nation¹s copyright laws. Once the 82nd Airborne liberated Iraq, never 
again would the Ba¹athist dictatorship threaten America with bootleg dubs of 
Britney Spears¹s ³...Baby One More Time.²

It was more like a corporate takeover, except with Abrams tanks instead of junk 
bonds.  It didn¹t strike me as the work of a Kosher Cabal for an Imperial 
Israel. In fact, it smelled of pork‹Pig Heaven for corporate America looking for
a slice of Iraq, and I suspected its porcine source. I gave it a big sniff and, 
sure enough, I smelled Grover Norquist.

Norquist is the capo di capi of right-wing, big-money influence peddlers in 
Washington.  Those jealous of his inside track to the White House call him 
"Gopher Nose-Twist."

A devout Christian, Norquist channeled a million dollars to the Christian 
Coalition to fight the devil¹s tool, legalized gambling. He didn¹t tell the 
Coalition that the loot came from an Indian tribe represented by Norquist¹s 
associate, Jack Abramoff.   (The tribe didn¹t want competition for its own 
casino operations.)

I took a chance and dropped in on Norquist¹s L Street office, and under a poster
of his idol [³NIXON‹ NOW MORE THAN EVER²], Norquist took a look at the 
"recovery" plan for Iraq and practically jumped over my desk to sign it, filled 
with pride at seeing his baby. Yes, he promoted the privatizations, the tax 
limit for the rich, and the change in copyright law, all concerns close to the 
hearts and wallets of his clients.

³The Oil² on Page 73

The very un-Jewish Norquist may have framed much of the U.S. occupation 
grabfest, but there was, without doubt, one notable item in the 101-page plan 
for Iraq which clearly had the mark of Zion on it. On page seventy-three the 
plan called for the ³privatization....[of] the oil and supporting industries,² 
the sell-off of every ounce of Iraq¹s oil fields and reserves.  Its mastermind, 
I learned, was Ariel Cohen of the Heritage Foundation.

For the neo-cons, this was The Big One. Behind it, no less a goal than to bring 
down the lynchpin of Arab power, Saudi Arabia.

It would work like this: the Saudi¹s power rests on control of OPEC, the oil 
cartel which, as any good monopoly, withholds oil from the market, kicking up 
prices. Sell-off Iraq¹s oil fields and private companies will pump oil in their 
little Iraqi patches to the max. Iraq, the neo-cons hoped, would crank out six 
million barrels of oil a day, bust its OPEC quota, flood the world market, 
demolish OPEC and, as the price of oil fell off a cliff, Saudi Arabia would

fall to its knees.

³It¹s a no-brainer,² Cohen told me, at his office at Heritage. It was a dim 
little cubby, in which, in our hour or two together, the phone rang only once. 
For a guy who was supposed to be The Godfather of a globe-spanning Zionist 
scheme to destroy the Arab oil monopoly, he seemed kind of, well...pathetic.

And he failed.  While the Norquist-promoted sell-offs, flat taxes and copyright 
laws were dictated into Iraqi law by occupation chief Paul Bremer, the Cohen 
neo-con oil privatization died an unhappy death.   What happened, Ari?

"Arab economists," he hissed, "hired by the State Department Š the witches brew 
of the Saudi Royal family and Soviet Ostblock."

Well, the Soviet Ostblock does not exist, but the Arab economists do.  I spoke 
with them in Riyadh, in London, in California, in wry accents mixing desert and 
Oxford drawls.  They speak with confidence, knowing Saudi Arabia's political 
authority is protected by the royal families -- of Houston petroleum.

"Enhance OPEC"

After two mad years of hunting, I discovered the real plan for Iraq's oil, the 
one that keeps our troops in Fallujah.  Some 323 pages long and deeply 
confidential, it was drafted at the James A. Baker III Institute in Houston, 
Texas, under the strict guidance of Big Oil's minions.  It was the culmination 
of a series of planning groups that began in December 2000 with key players from
the Baker Institute and Council on Foreign Relations (including one Ken Lay of 
Enron).  This was followed by a State Department invasion-planning session in 
Walnut Creek, California, in February 2001, only weeks after Bush and Cheney 
took office. Its concepts received official blessing after a March 2001 
gathering of oil chiefs (and Lay) with Dick Cheney where the group reviewed with
the Vice-President the map of Iraq's oil fields.

Once I discovered the Big Oil plan, several of the players agreed to speak with 
me (not, to the chagrin of some, realizing that I rarely hold such conversions 
without secretly recording them).  Most forthright was Philip Carroll, former 
CEO of Shell Oil USA, who was flown into Baghdad on a C-17 to make sure there 
would be no neo-con monkey business in America's newest oil fields.

It had been a very good war for Big Oil, with tripled oil prices meaning tripled
profits. In Houston, I asked Carroll, a commanding, steel-straight chief 
executive, about Ari Cohen¹s oil privatization plan, the anti-Saudi 

³I would agree with that statement² Caroll told me, ³privatization is a 
no-brainer. It would only be thought about by someone with no brain.²

Bush world is divided in two: neo-cons on one side, and the Establishment (which
includes the oil companies and the Saudis) on the other. The plan the 
Establishment created, crafted by Houston oil men, called for locking up Iraq¹s 
oil with agreements between a new state oil company under ³profit-sharing 
agreements² with ³IOCs² (International Oil Companies).  The combine could 
³enhance the [Iraq¹s] government¹s relationship with OPEC,² it read, by holding 
the line on quotas and thereby upholding high prices.

Wolfowitz Dammerung: Twilight Of The Neo-Con Gods

So there you have it. Wolfowitz and his neo-con clique‹ bookish, foolish, 
vainglorious‹had their asses kicked utterly, finally, and convincingly by the 
powers of petroleum, the Houston-Riyadh Big Oil axis.

Between the neo-cons and Big Oil, it wasn¹t much of a contest. The end-game was 
crushing, final. The Israelites had lost again in the land of Babylon. And to 
make certain the arriviste neo-cons got the point, public punishment was 
exacted, from exile to demotion to banishment. In January 2005, neo-con pointman
Douglas Feith resigned from the Defense Department; his assistant

Larry Franklin later was busted for passing documents to pro-Israel lobbyists.

The State Department¹s knuckle-dragging enforcer of neo-con orthodoxies, John 
Bolton, was booted from Washington to New York to the powerless post of U.N. 

Finally, on March 16, 2005, second anniversary of the invasion, neo-con leader 
of the pack Wolfowitz was cast out of the Pentagon war room and tossed into the 
World Bank, moving from the testosterone-powered, war-making decision center to 
the lending office for Bangladeshi chicken farmers.

³The realists,² crowed the triumphant editor of the journal of the Council on 
Foreign Relations, ³have defeated the fantasists!²

So much for the Big Zionist Conspiracy that supposedly directed this war. A 
half- dozen confused Jews, wandering in the policy desert a long distance from 
mainstream Jewish views, armed only with Leo Strauss¹ silly aphorisms, were no 
match for Texas oil majors and OPEC potentates with a combined throw weight of 
half a trillion barrels of oil.


Investigative Reporter Greg Palast is the author of the New York Times 
Madhouse: Who¹s Afraid of Osama Wolf?, China Floats,

Bush Sinks, the Scheme to Steal ¹08, No Child¹s Behind Left and other

Dispatches from the Front Lines of the Class War to be released next week in 
United Kingdom and Ireland by Penguin UK, from which this essay is adapted.

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