Venezuela: Chavez responds to US provocations


Richard Moore

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Venezuela: US fears spread of Chavez example

Federico Fuentes
7 June 2007

Under the banner of ³For freedom of speech and against imperialism², hundreds of
thousands of Venezuelans took to the streets of Caracas on June 2 in defence of 
their revolution, and as a direct response to the domestic and international 
campaign being whipped up by Washington in the wake of the non-renewal of Radio 
Caracas TV¹s (RCTV) broadcasting concession, dwarfing all of the opposition 
marches that had occurred in preceding days. Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez 
announced: ³If the Venezuelan oligarchy believe that they will stop us with 
their threats, with their manipulations or with their destabilisation plans, 
forget it!²

Promising that each destabilisation plan ³manipulated by the US empire² would be
met with ³a new revolutionary offensive!², Chavez said that ³starting from today
Š a Bolivarian counter-attack² would begin across the country, ³in the streets, 
in the factories, in the universities, in the high schools, in all parts ‹ a 
truly ideological, political, popular, national and international 

When RCTV¹s licence to use the free-to-air Channel 2 expired on May 27, the 
concession was awarded to a new independently produced station, Venezuelan 
Social Television (TVes), to provide a national space for those previously 
excluded from the media. This has been used as the latest pretext for an 
escalating assault against the revolutionary government and people of Venezuela.
An international media war has been launched to create the mirage of a 
democratic protest movement mobilising against the supposed authoritarian, 
anti-democratic Chavez government. Anti-Venezuela resolutions have been passed 
by US Congress, the European Union and the right-wing-controlled Brazilian 

Chavez explained that behind this latest plot by US imperialism was ³the fear 
that the example of Venezuela will extend to other countries² ‹ that of a 
revolution sweeping away the old capitalist order and laying the basis for a 
new, truly democratic socialist society.

Chavez¹s speech on history, politics and revolutionary theory once again 
revealed the powerful dynamic between the organised masses and Chavez that is 
driving forward this revolutionary process.

Chavez reiterated the points he made after his landslide re-election last 
December, stating that the victory was not ³a point of arrival, but rather a 
point of departure² for the revolution, and that this mandate had given the 
government the ability to drive forward its revolutionary project.

³Only 140 days have passed² since the new government¹s inauguration, Chavez 
explained, yet a ³new period has started up, accelerating the process of 
revolutionary transformation². He pointed to the recuperation of state control 
over the oil fields in the Orinoco Belt, the re-nationalisation of the 
telecommunications company CANTV and six electricity companies, as well as the 
mammoth turnout to register interest in the new united socialist party, the PSUV
(by that day, 4.7 million people had registered, reaching more than 5 million by
the end of the following day when registrations closed).

The latest step in this ³revolutionary acceleration² was ³the expiration of the 
concession that the Venezuelan oligarchic elite had controlled for 53 years for 
its own abuse and benefits². Chavez announced that now, ³Channel 2 is liberated,
it no longer belongs to the oligarchy, nor will it return to the oligarchy. Now 
it belongs to the Venezuelan people.² This was met with spontaneous chants of 
³This is how you govern².

Urging the masses to continue consolidating the ³unity of all the revolutionary 
currents² in order to ³continue reaping victories², Chavez stressed the 
centrality of the PSUV to the deepening of the revolution: ³I want to use these 
words to insist, from within my heart, on this unitary process of the party, of 
all the people, the working class, the peasants, the cultural movements Š unity 
of the Bolivarian armed forces, unity of the Bolivarian people.²

Drawing on the ³great Italian revolutionary thinker Antonio Gramsci², Chavez 
outlined why this process has encountered the reaction of imperialism. Referring
to Gramsci¹s thesis ‹ ³a truly historic crisis occurs when there is something 
that is dying, but has not finished dying, and at the same time there is 
something that is being born but which also hasn¹t finished being born² ‹ Chavez
explained that already by the 1980s, ³Venezuela had entered into a historic 
crisis Š [today] we are in the epicentre of the crisis².

³A good part of the years to come will form part of this historic crisis until 
the Fourth Republic [the pre-Chavez regime] dies definitively and the fifth 
republic is fully born ‹ the socialist and Bolivarian republic of Venezuela.²

For Chavez, the Fourth Republic represented the rule of the ³US empire and its 
lackeys here in Venezuela, the oligarchy, the bourgeoisie, the class that 
dominated Venezuela for 200 years². This is the same class, he stressed, ³that 
betrayed [Simon] Bolivar, that killed [Jose Antonio de] Sucre, that murdered 
[Ezequiel] Zamora², all prominent leaders of Venezuela¹s 200 years of struggle 
for independence.

Chavez explained Gramsci¹s concept of ³historical blocs² ‹ in which a particular
class manages to acquire hegemony that is expressed in structures and 
superstructures ‹ in order to further draw out the class content of the battle 
between the fourth and fifth republics.

According to Gramsci, the superstructure of the dominant historic bloc has two 
levels, the political society ‹ ³the institutions of the state² ‹ and the civil 
society, consisting of economic and private institutions, specifically the 
church, media and education system, which are used by the ruling class ³to 
spread among the social and popular classes its dominant ideology².

Chavez noted that one of the ³great contradictions² in Venezuelan society today 
existed between these two factors. ³We have been coming along liberating the 
state², said Chavez. ³Bourgeois civil society used to control² the Venezuelan 
state, government, legislative and judicial power, state companies, government 
banks, and the national budget, but ³they have been losing all of that².

Elucidating the battles that lay ahead for the Venezuelan masses, Chavez said 
that the bourgeoisie was retreating into its last remaining refuges in the 
media, church and education system.

While ³we have no plan to eliminate the oligarchy, the Venezuelan bourgeois², 
Chavez stressed that they must accept that the rules have changed. ³If the 
Venezuelan bourgeoisie continues to desperately attack us, utilising the refuges
it has left, then the Venezuelan bourgeoisie will continue to lose these refuges
one by one!²

³This message is for the Venezuelan bourgeois class. We respect you as 
Venezuelans, you should respect Venezuela, you should respect the homeland, you 
should respect our constitution, you should respect our laws. If you don¹t do 
this Š we will make you obey the Venezuelan laws!² Again Chavez¹s comments were 
met with chants of ³This is how you govern².

Speaking to a solid core of his supporters, many of whom played a part during 
the heroic days of April 11-13, 2002, where a counter-revolutionary coup, which 
RCTV participated in, was overturned by a civic-military uprising, Chavez 
declared, ³We will defeat you again².

In response, the crowd repeated an earlier chant: ³Now it¹s the turn of 
Globovision², referring to another of the coup-plotting private television 

Chavez replied that in the case of RCTV, ³we had a lot of patience², waiting for
the concession to expire, ³but no-one should believe that it will always be like
that. A concession can expire, including before the established time. According 
to the law, a concession can expire due to violations of the constitution, of 
the laws, for media terrorism etc.²

What was necessary now was for the Venezuelan masses to continue ³constructing 
the new historic bloc, constructing socialism, constructing the new political 
society Š the socialist state². At the same, time, there was a ³need to continue
transforming that old bourgeois civil society².

Chavez called on the university and high school student movements to ³assume the
vanguard² together with the working class, the campesinos (peasants) and 

Chavez finished with the now customary catch cry: ³Homeland, socialism or death!
We will win!²

From: International News, Green Left Weekly issue #713 13 June 2007.

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