Pat Buchanan on Bush


Richard Moore

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From: "Lou & Dr. Bob Wynman" <•••@••.•••>
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Subject: Fw: Pat Buchanan on Bush
Date: Tue, 5 Oct 2004 22:27:00 -0600
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Hey, wasn't Buchanan the pro-conservative/republican guy??
Buchanan on Bush and Imperial Washington

There is no conservative party in Washington. Instead there is
a Republican party of big business, big government and big war
Washington, DC

Patrick Buchanan

10/01/04 "The Spectator" -- Not even the British empire at its
zenith dominated the world in the way the United States does
today. US forces are deployed in lands the soldiers of
Victoria never saw. Our warships make port calls on all
continents. Our military technology is generations ahead of
any other nation's. Our GDP is 30 per cent of the global
economy. Brand names like Coca-Cola, McDonald's and Levi's are
household words from Kathmandu to Kurdistan. The music the
young listen to around the world is American or an imitation
thereof. Americans annually claim the lion's share of the
Nobel prizes in science, medicine and economics. Hollywood
films are the world's most watched. The dollar is the world's
reserve currency. The International Monetary Fund that keeps
scores of nations from bankruptcy has its headquarters in
Washington. The American language, English, is the lingua
franca of the Internet and the international elite. By almost
any measure ú military and economic power, technology,
standard of living, cultural dominance, social and political
freedom ú America is the gold standard, the 'hyperpower' of
the Quai d'Orsay's resentment.

Yet all republics, all empires, all civilisations pass away.
For the United States the invasion of Iraq and the war to
impose democracy upon that Arab and Islamic nation may yet
prove a textbook example of the imperial overstretch that
brought down so many empires of the past. Fallujah, where US
marines were withdrawn before completing their mission to
eradicate the guerrillas and terrorists who had murdered four
Americans and desecrated their bodies, may prove the high tide
of an American empire that has begun its long retreat.

If we were to name one cause of the fall of Britain, it would
be war. The Boer war was Britain's Vietnam. With it came a
loss of faith in the superiority of British civilisation and
the spread of the heretical idea that a British empire that
denied self-determination to peoples of colour was no longer
morally defensible. Then, for ten years between 1914 and 1918
and 1939 and 1945, Britain was locked in mortal battle with
the mightiest land power in Europe. Britain alone fought both
world wars from the first day to the last.

In the first world war, 720,000 Britons died, in the second
another 400,000. America, however, stayed out of the world
wars longer than any other power and thus suffered fewer
losses. Not until four years after the British, French,
Germans and Russians had started slaughtering one another at a
rate of 6,000 a day did the doughboys arrive to turn the tide
on the Western Front, only six months before the Armistice.
Not until four years after Hitler overran France did the
Higgins boats appear off Normandy, just 11 months before VE
Day. In both world wars, we played Fortinbras in Hamlet,
coming upon the carnage in the final scene in the bloodstained
throne-room to take charge of affairs.

During the Cold War, America avoided a war with a Soviet Union
that could have wreaked far greater havoc on us than was
visited on Britain in two world wars. We are the last
superpower because we stayed out of the great wars of the 20th
century longer than any of the other powers, and we suffered
and lost less than any of them. Since the end of the Cold War,
however, all the blunders of Britain's ruling class in its
march to folly have been replicated by our elites, from the
arrogance of power to the alienation of allies to the waging
of imperial wars where no vital US interests were at risk.

Spurning the counsel of John Quincy Adams, America now goes
abroad in search of monsters to destroy. We have treaty
guarantees with 50 nations on five continents and troops in
100 countries. Some 150,000 US soldiers are tied down in
seemingly endless wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Should the
United States confront another crisis anywhere on earth, the
bankruptcy of our foreign policy would be transparent to the

President Bush has declared it to be US policy to launch
pre-emptive war on any rogue regime that seeks weapons of mass
destruction, a policy today being defied by North Korea and
Iran, both of which have programmes to produce nuclear
weapons. The President has also declared it to be US policy to
go to war to prevent any other nation from acquiring the power
to challenge US hegemony in any region of the world. It is
called the 'Bush Doctrine'. It is a prescription for permanent
war for permanent peace, though wars are the death of

In 2003, the United States invaded a country that did not
threaten us, had not attacked us and did not want war with us,
to disarm it of weapons we have since discovered it did not
have. His war cabinet assured President Bush that weapons of
mass destruction would be found, that US forces would be
welcomed with garlands of flowers, that democracy would
flourish in Iraq and spread across the Middle East, that our
triumph would convince Israelis and Palestinians to sit down
and make peace.

None of this happened. Those of us who were called unpatriotic
for opposing an invasion of Iraq and who warned we would
inherit our own Lebanon of 25 million Iraqis were proved
right. Now our nation is tied down and our army is being daily
bled in a war to create a democracy in a country where it has
never before existed.

With the guerrilla war, US prestige has plummeted. The hatred
of President Bush is pandemic from Marrakesh to Mosul.
Volunteers to fight the Americans have been trickling into
Iraq from Syria, Saudi Arabia and Iran. In the spring of this
year revelations of the sadistic abuse of Iraqi prisoners at
Abu Ghraib prison sent US prestige sinking to its lowest
levels ever in the Arab world. We may have ignited the war of
civilisations that it was in our vital interest to avoid.
Never has America been more resented and reviled in an Islamic
world of one billion people.

At home, the budget surpluses of the 1990s have vanished as
the cost of the Afghan and Iraq wars has soared beyond the
projections of the most pessimistic of the President's
economic advisers. The US budget deficit is above 4 per cent
of GDP. With a trade deficit in goods nearing 6 per cent of
GDP, the dollar has lost a third of its value against the euro
in three years. One in six manufacturing jobs has disappeared
since President Bush took the oath. By mid-2004, the President
had failed to abolish a single significant agency, programme
or department of a Leviathan government that consumes a fifth
of our economy. Nor had he vetoed a single Bill.

America's native-born population has ceased to grow. Its birth
rate has fallen below replacement levels. US population growth
now comes from immigrants, legal and illegal, from Asia,
Africa and Latin America. The religious, ethnic and racial
composition of the country, a child of Europe, is changing
more rapidly than that of any other great nation in history in
an era when race, religion and ethnicity are tearing countries
apart. The melting pot no longer works its magic. Newcomers
are not assimilating. We are becoming what Theodore Roosevelt
warned against our ever becoming ú 'a polyglot boardinghouse
for the world'.

US primary and secondary education is a disaster area. Test
scores have been falling for decades and are below those of
almost every other developed nation. In our universities,
ignorance of American history has reached scandalous
proportions, and rising percentages of students in the hard
sciences come from foreign lands.

The Republican party, which had presided over America's rise
to manufacturing pre-eminence, has acquiesced in the
deindustrialisation of the nation to gratify transnational
corporations whose oligarchs are the party's financiers. US
corporations are shutting factories here, opening them in
China, 'outsourcing' back-office work to India, importing
Asians to take white-collar jobs from Americans, and hiring
illegal aliens for their service jobs. The Republican party
has signed off on economic treason.

Then there are the ominous analogies to the Rome we read about
in school: the decline of religion and morality, corruption of
the commercial class, a debased and decadent culture. Many of
America's oldest churches are emptying. The Catholic Church,
the nation's largest, is riven with heresy, scandal, dissent
and disbelief.

Historically, Republicans have been the party of the
conservative virtues of balanced budgets, of a healthy
scepticism towards foreign wars, of a commitment to
traditional values and fierce resistance to the growth of
government power and world empire. No more. There is no
conservative party left in Washington. The GOP may be
Reaganite in its tax policy, but it is Wilsonian in its
foreign policy, FDR in its trade policy, and LBJ all the way
in its spending policies. Pragmatism is the order of the day.
The Republican philosophy might be summarised thus: 'To hell
with principle; what matters is power, and that we have it,
and they do not.'

But principles do matter. For history teaches that if we
indulge in the vices of republics and surrender to the
temptation to buy votes with public money, to distract the
populace with bread and circuses, to conduct imperial wars, we
will destroy the last best hope of earth. And just as there
came a day of reckoning for Lyndon Johnson, who delivered guns
and butter in wartime, so, too, are the chickens coming home
to roost for George W. Bush.

>From the book Where the Right Went Wrong by Patrick J.
Buchanan. Copyright © by the author. Reprinted by permission
of St Martin's Press, LLC.

© 2004 The

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Richard Moore (rkm)
Wexford, Ireland

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