Mexico: Partial Vote Recount Confirms Massive Fraud


Richard Moore


I see hope here. My fear was that there would be no recount, and Calderon would 
steal the election, as Bush did in 2000 and 2004. The fact that a recount has 
happened at all is a welcome surprise. That it indicates Obrador would have won 
is very encouraging. If he takes office, we may see more alignment of Mexico 
with Venezuela, and less with Washington. It is easy to see why Washington would
be very nervous over these developments.


Original source URL:

Mexico¹s Partial Vote Recount Confirms Massive and Systematic Election Fraud

With Less than 9 Percent of Precincts Recounted, More than 126,000 Votes Are 
Found to Have Been Disappeared or Illegally Fabricated

By Al Giordano
Part V of a Special Series for The Narco News Bulletin
August 14, 2006

Finally, the hard numbers are starting to come in. In the ³partial recount² of 
paper ballots from the July 2 presidential election in Mexico, ordered by the 
Supreme Electoral Tribunal (known as the Trife), the recount has been completed 
in 10,679 precincts of the 11,839 ordered by the court (about 9 percent of 
Mexico¹s 130,000 precincts). From these precincts, Narco News has obtained the 
following preliminary numbers that confirm the massive and systematic electoral 
fraud inflicted on the Mexican people:

€  In 3,074 precincts (29 percent of those recounted), 45,890 illegal votes, 
above the number of voters who cast ballots in each polling place, were found 
stuffed inside the ballot boxes (an average of 15 for each of these precincts, 
primarily in strongholds of the National Action Party, known as the PAN, of 
President Vicente Fox and his candidate, Felipe Calderón).

€  In 4,368 precincts (41 percent of those recounted), 80,392 ballots of 
citizens who did vote are missing (an average of 18 votes in each of these 

€  Together, these 7,442 precincts contain about 70 percent of the ballots 
recounted. The total amount of ballots either stolen or forged adds up to 
126,282 votes altered.

€  If the recount results of these 10,679 precincts (8.2 percent of the nation¹s
130,000 polling places) are projected nationwide, it would mean that more than 
1.5 million votes were either stolen or stuffed in an election that the first 
official count claimed was won by Calderon by only 243,000 votes.

€  Among the findings of this very limited partial recount are that in 3,079 
precincts where the PAN party is strong and where, in many cases, the Democratic
Revolution Party (PRD) of candidate Andrés Manuel López Obrador did not count 
with election night poll watchers, one or more of three things occurred: Either 
the Federal Electoral Institute (IFE, in its Spanish initials) illegally 
provided more ballots than there are voters in those precincts, or the PAN party
stole those extra ballots, or ballots were forged.

³Taqueo and Saqueo²

These preliminary recounts demonstrate mainly two kinds of fraud: ³taqueo,² or 
the stuffing of ballot boxes with false votes as if putting extra beans inside a
taco, and ³saqueo,² or ³looting,² that is, the disappearance of legitimate 
ballots cast.

A significant problem, now, for Mexican democracy (for those who claim that the 
election was fair, and also for those who view this evidence as proof of 
electoral fraud) is that there is no way to tell, inside each ballot box, which 
of the ballots were legal and which were not; nor which ballots were stolen and 
which were not.

In some past post-electoral disputes for state and local offices, the Trife 
electoral court has opted, based on this kind of evidence, to annul the results 
from those precincts where stuffing or looting occurred.

If the Trife follows the law and its own established precedents, and annuls the 
results in these 7,442 precincts where the fraud took place, it would reverse 
the official results and López Obrador would emerge the victor by more than 
425,000 votes nationwide.

Specifically, Calderón would lose 1,225,326 votes from his tally, while López 
Obrador would lose just 556,600; a difference of 668,726. When factoring in 
IFE¹s claim that Calderón has a more than 243,000 vote advantage, López Obrador 
would still win the election by those 425,000 votes plus some.

In other words, if the Supreme Electoral Court determines that only half of the 
problematic precincts are to be annulled, López Obrador would still be declared 
the presidential victor. To continue to impose Calderón, at this point, would 
require the court¹s endorsement of results from at least 4,000 precincts that 
the recount has demonstrated were scenes of the electoral crimes of 
ballot-stuffing and ballot-theft. By failing to annul those precincts, the court
would, in effect, annul the legitimacy of the Mexican State, lighting the fuse 
on a social conflict much larger than anything that has yet occurred in the wake
of the fraudulent election.

The Clock Is Ticking

The Trife court has a constitutional deadline of August 31 to complete its 
computations and of September 6 to either declare the presidential winner or, 
alternately, to annul the elections. The court has very broad and absolute power
to annul up to 20 percent of the precincts without annulling the entire election
(annulment would mean that Congress would choose an interim president and new 
elections would be called within two years). If the Trife annuls more than 20 
percent of the precincts, the entire election would have to be annulled.

López Obrador and his supporters have demanded a full recount of all precincts: 
³Vote by vote, precinct by precinct.² And, indeed, the results of the partial 
recount strongly suggest that a full recount would demonstrate that they won the
election. As the tension has risen, and the deadlines approach, López Obrador 
supporters maintain a 12-mile encampment in downtown Mexico City, have 
symbolically closed government office buildings, held mass marches with millions
of protesters, maintained encampments outside of IFE offices throughout the 
country, and this past week began ³takings² of toll booths on federal highways, 
allowing motorists to pass through without paying.

López Obrador has already announced that if the Trife tries to impose Calderón, 
there will be ³civil resistance² at the halls of Congress on September 1, when 
President Vicente Fox must give his annual State of the Union address, and that 
on Mexico¹s national Independence Day, September 15, when the president 
traditionally leads the ³cry of pain² from the Mexico City Zocalo, the opponents
to the electoral fraud will displace Fox with a cry of their own.

Many observers viewed the Trife court¹s initial rejection of a full recount as a
reflection of the court¹s own bias and willingness to impose Calderón as 
president at any cost. Others believe that the electoral court¹s own established
precedent of annulling precincts where ballot stuffing or theft occurred puts it
in a position of having to annul those 7,442 precincts (almost six percent of 
all precincts nationwide), reversing the results of the election. Also, 
recently, one of the justices of the nation¹s Supreme Court suggested in public 
that if the Trife doesn¹t or can¹t establish certainty over the result, the 
highest court may then intervene. In other words, September 6 might not be the 
final date of the legal conflict over this very tarnished election.

Presence of Malice

Photo: D.R. 2006 El Universal

The partial recount has also revealed more evidence of a pattern of malice on 
the part of IFE officials. The existence of more ballots than there are voters 
in PAN stronghold precincts indicates that either the IFE illegally sent more 
ballots than allowed to those precincts, or somehow the party in power obtained 
them by other illegal means. The recount has also revealed a massive number of 
precincts where the seals on the ballot boxes had been broken since Election 
Day, opening the possibility that ballots were inserted or removed after July 

Mexico¹s television duopoly ­ Televisa and TV Azteca ­ have declined to report 
the irregularities that have surfaced as a result of the partial recount. The 
same goes for much ­ but not all ­ of the corporate media. The facts have 
instead broken the media blockade via Internet and organization, as well as the 
detailed reporting of the daily La Jornada in Mexico City, the daily Por Esto! 
in Yucatán (two of the nation¹s four largest newspapers) and some other media. 
Add to this mediatic schizophrenia the factor that those who support Calderón 
and insist the election was clean are passive, lacking conviction, whereas those
millions who believe an electoral fraud was committed are active, and in the 
streets, and it is evident that just as the Mexican State has lost legitimacy, 
the corporate (especially television) media have lost credibility and power to 
spin public opinion.

Photo: D.R. 2006 Reforma

This morning, part of the protest encampment in downtown Mexico City, along 
Madero Street, was dismantled by its participants and thousands moved, en masse,
to the entrance to the halls of the Federal Congress. Riot police blocked them 
from reaching the doors. There was some pushing and shoving, as the accompanying
photos show, but demonstrators ­ who outnumbered police by a factor of thousands
­ by and large remained peaceful, still holding out a cubic-centimeter of hope 
that the Trife electoral tribunal will do the right thing and fix the fraud. But
that patience is as thin as a razor, and as the clock counts down to the 
decision that the Trife must make by September 6, the electoral court and its 
seven judges now have the facts in hand, the evidence of systematic fraud that 
changed the results, which the partial recount has furnished.

The anti-fraud protestors have maintained a peaceful round-the-clock vigil 
outside the halls of Congress in the Mexico City neighborhood of San Lazaro for 
various weeks, in which many of the current senators and congress members from 
the PRD party have participated. At 2:15 this afternoon, elements of the Federal
Preventive Police (PFP, in its Spanish initials, the same agency that invaded 
San Salvador Atenco in May) attacked the vigil encampment, according to this 
wire report from La Jornada. (The report states that six congressmen and women 
were wounded in the attack; El Universal reports the number of legislators 
wounded by police at 11.) When police forces attack and prevent duly elected 
senators and congress members from entering their own governing hall, the term 
for that is coup d¹etat. It is an invitation to social revolution. The events of
recent weeks and months in Mexico suggest that Vicente Fox and his attack troops
would be wrong to presume that there are enough police in the country to hold 
back the turn of history that he is provoking from above.

Photo: D.R. 2006 El Universal

Today marks two months since June 14, when 15,000 citizens of Oaxaca beat back 
and chased 3,000 riot cops from that city¹s historic center, revealing the ³new 
math² of Mexican protest movements. They have since taken the state TV station 
and more than 30 city halls, as well as having shut down the state government in
their demand that repressive Governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz resign. Yet their 
numbers are a fraction of the masses that, in Mexico City and elsewhere, are 
resisting the electoral fraud. And added to the post-electoral conflict, more 
related to that in Oaxaca, is the unsettled account of 30 political prisoners 
arrested May 3 and 4 in San Salvador Atenco, the pending arrival there of 
indigenous comandantes from the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN, in 
its Spanish initials), and the quiet organizing being done from Mexico City and 
in other states by its Subcomandante Marcos and thousands of organizations and 
adherents to the Zapatista Other Campaign, which, outside the glare of the media
and the electoral spectacle, organizes toward a national rebellion more 
ambitious than saving the vote of a single election, but, rather, seeking to 
topple an economic system. The Trife, if it imposes the fraud, will accelerate 
the Zapatista calendar as perhaps the greatest consequence.

If the seven electoral justices believed that holding a partial recount would 
calm passions, the facts unleashed by that partial recount have served, instead,
to flame them. What the judges do with those facts will determine whether the 
institutions will correct the fraud, or whether the institutions will risk, as 
in Oaxaca, falling from power because of trying to impose an indefensible crime 
against Mexican society and democracy. What seven judges decide in the next 
three weeks will mark a crossroads in Mexican historyŠ and that of all América.

Read Part I of this series: In Mexico, 2.5 Million Missing Votes Reappear: López
Obrador Reduces Calderón¹s Official Margin to 0.6 percent

Read Part II: A Full Recount Would Show that López Obrador Won Mexico¹s 
Presidency by More than One Million Votes

Read Part III: Death by Video: Mexico¹s Election Fraud Is Coming Undone

Read Part IV: Mexico¹s Electoral Tribunal Orders Partial Recount to Begin on 

Click here for more from The Other Journalism with the Other Campaign
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