"But the real problem of Mexico runs much deeper. The
entrenched political classes along with the Electoral
Tribunal, and the Federal Electoral Institute before it,
will not make any concessions to Lopez Obrador because they
are afraid the entire system of privileges will collapse if
they make even modest concessions."
Sounds like the ruminations of the Tzar, c. 1917, of Marie Antoinette, c. 1789,
or of King George, c. 1776.
rkm
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Original source URL:
http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/roger_burbach/2006/09/a_new_revolution.html
A new revolution
Roger Burbach
September 6, 2006 12:41 PM
http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/roger_burbach/2006/09/a_new_revolution.html
Mexico moved one step closer to a social explosion with the Federal Election
Tribunal's decision to crown conservative Felipe Calderon as the victor in the
hotly contested presidential elections of July 2. The tribunal acknowledged
Calderon's campaign had "violated the norms of public order," particularly with
the role played by the business associations in airing rabid TV ads attacking
leftist candidate Andres Miguel Lopez Obrador. But it refused to question the
fundamental legitimacy of the elections or to recount all the votes as demanded
by the leftist opposition.
Lopez Obrador immediately rejected the tribunal's ruling, declaring that a
"privileged minority" has seized control of Mexico's institutions, "keeping the
country in ruins and the majority in poverty". He called for the convening on
September 16 of a National Democratic Convention "to form a government that has
the legitimacy to reestablish the Republic and constitutional order".
As he spoke tens of thousands of his supporters retained control for the 37th
consecutive day of the centre of Mexico City around the Zocalo, the country's
main historic plaza. The rest of Mexico is also gripped with unrest,
particularly the city of Oaxaca to the south. There some 350 popular
organizations have staged a virtual insurrection, taking control of the city and
demanding the ouster of the state's governor. While not directly tied to the
presidential election, the movement reflects the profound discontent in recent
years that has led to similar uprisings in Chiapas, Mexico's southern most
state, and in San Salvador Atenco, a city that borders on the capital.
Some political observers, like Denise Dresser of Mexico's Autonomous Technical
Institute, recognize the legitimacy of much of the political and economic
platform of the left, but lament the "refusal of Lopez Obrador to move to the
centre, to modify his demands. He says 'to hell with the institutions' and this
could tear the country apart".
But the real problem of Mexico runs much deeper. The entrenched political
classes along with the Electoral Tribunal, and the Federal Electoral Institute
before it, will not make any concessions to Lopez Obrador because they are
afraid the entire system of privileges will collapse if they make even modest
concessions.
The campaign slogan of Lopez Obrador was straightforward: "For the good of all,
the poor first." His program during the campaign was actually quite reformist.
In a country where half the population lives below the poverty line Lopez
Obrador pledged to provide a stipend to the elderly and healthcare for the poor.
Millions of jobs would also be created, particularly by undertaking large
construction projects to modernize Mexico's dilapidated transportation system.
He also promised to renegotiate the North American Free Trade Agreement with the
United States, particularly the clauses that allow the importation of cheap
subsidized grains that undermine Mexico's peasant producers.
More importantly Lopez Obrador pledged to break up the corrupt economic
relationship that exists between the business class and government bureaucrats.
Everyone in Mexico knows that bribes and kickbacks are commonplace throughout
Mexico as much of the country's wealth is skimmed off at the expense of the
workers and the poor. This system existed under the previous governments of the
Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). It became particularly insidious under
the incumbent President Vincente Fox and his National Action party (PAN) because
it more than the PRI, is the party of an entrenched business elite. And not only
is Lopez Obrador threatening to break up the system of inside favours and
corruption, he is also proclaiming that the rich will have to pay the income and
business taxes that they routinely avoid.
All this is too much for the dominant classes. They cannot countenance a
thorough review of the election process or the opening of the ballot boxes to
recount all the votes in an election that was fraught with innumerable
irregularities. It is this privileged minority that has radicalized Lopez
Obrador and the Mexican masses.
Mexico has had two major social upheavals in its history. One came with the
independence movement in 1810, and the other with the revolution that began in
1910 with a fraudulent election staged by a dictator. On September 16, the same
day on which a military parade will take place in Mexico City, a massive popular
assembly will be held to discuss the creation of an authentic democracy and the
possible formation of a parallel government. This could very well be Mexico's
next revolution, four years before the century mark.
--
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