Engdahl: excellent analysis of GMO situation


Richard Moore

Monsanto buys ŒTerminator¹ seeds company

By F. William Engdahl*

The United States Government has been financing research on a genetic 
engineering technology which, when commercialized, will give its owners the 
power to control the food seed of entire nations or regions. The Government has 
been working quietly on this technology since 1983. Now, the little-known 
company that has been working  in this genetic research with the Government¹s US
Department of Agriculture-- Delta & Pine Land-- is about to become part of the 
world¹s largest supplier of patented genetically-modified seeds (GMO), Monsanto 
Corporation of St. Louis, Missouri.

Relations between Monsanto, Delta & Pine Land and the USDA, on closer scrutiny, 
show the deep and dark side of the much-heralded genetic revolution in 
agriculture. It proves deep-held suspicions that the Gene Revolution is not 
about Œsolving the world hunger problem¹ as its advocates claim. It¹s about 
handing over control of the seeds for mankind¹s basic food supply‹rice, corn, 
soybeans, wheat, even fruit, vegetables and cotton‹to privately owned 
corporations. Once the seeds and their use are patented and controlled by one or
several private agribusiness multinationals, it will be they who can decide 
whether or not a particular customer‹let¹s say for argument, China or Brazil or 
India or Japan‹whether they will or won¹t get the patented seeds from Monsanto, 
or from one of its licensee GMO partners like Bayer Crop Sciences, Syngenta or 
DuPont¹s Pioneer Hi-Bred International.

While most of us don¹t bother to reflect on where the corn in the box of 
Kellogg¹s Corn Flakes or the rice in a box of Uncle Ben¹s Converted Rice come 
from, when we grab it from the supermarket shelf, they all  must originate with 
seeds. Seeds can either be taken by a farmer from the previous season¹ seeds, 
and planted to produce the next harvest. Or, seeds can be bought new each 
harvest season, from the companies which sell their seeds.

The advent of commercial GMO seeds in the early 1990¹s allowed companies like 
Monsanto, DuPont or Dow Chemicals to go from supplying agriculture chemical 
herbicides like Roundup, to patenting genetically altered seeds for basic farm 
crops like corn, rice, soybeans or wheat. For almost a quarter century, since 
1983, the US Government has quietly been working to perfect a genetically 
engineered technique whereby farmers would be forced to turn to their seed 
supplier each harvest to get new seeds. The seeds would only produce one 
harvest. After that the seeds from that harvest would commit Œsuicide¹ and be 

There has been much hue and cry, correctly so, that this process, patented 
Œsuicide¹ seeds, officially termed GURTs (Genetic Use Restriction Technologies),
is a threat to poor farmers in developing countries like India or Brazil, who 
traditionally save their own seeds for the next planting. In fact, GURTs, more 
popularly referred to as Terminator seeds for the brutal manner in which they 
kill off plant reproduction possibilities, is a threat to the food security as 
well of North America, Western Europe, Japan and anywhere Monsanto and its elite
cartel of GMO agribusiness partners enters a market.

The Curious History of Delta & Pine Land

Delta & Pine Land is a company that, despite the pine in its name, has deep 
roots. Founded in 1888, it has its headquarters at One Cotton Row in Scott, 
Mississippi, nestled between Goat Island and Choktaw Bar Island on the 
Mississippi River, near the Arkansas border. However, the people running things 
at Delta Pine are anything but your typical Mississippi black-dirt cotton 

In 1983, Delta & Pine Land (D&PL) joined with the US Department of Agriculture 
in a project to develop Terminator seeds. It was one of the earliest experiments
with GMO. It was a long-term project. The US Government has been serious about 
Terminator beginning more than two decades ago.

In March 1998 the US Patent Office granted Patent No. 5,723,765 to Delta & Pine 
Land for a patent titled, Control of Plant Gene Expression. The patent is owned 
jointly, according to Delta &  Pine¹s Security & Exchange Commission 10K filing,
Œby D&PL and the United States of America, as represented by the Secretary of 

The patent has global coverage. To quote further from the official D&PL SEC 
filing, ŒThe patent broadly covers all species of plant and seed, both 
transgenic (GMO-ed) and conventional, for a system designed to allow control of 
progeny seed viability without harming the crop¹(sic).

Then, in a manner reminiscent of Big Brother in George Orwell¹s novel, 1984, 
D&PL claims, ŒOne application of the technology could be to control unauthorized
planting of seed of proprietary varietiesŠby making such a practice non-economic
since non-authorized saved seed will not germinate, and, therefore, would be 
useless for planting.¹ D&PL calls the thousand-year-old tradition of 
farmer-saved seed by the pejorative term, Œbrown bagging¹ as though it is 
something dirty and corrupt.

Translated into lay language, D&PL officially declares the purpose of its Patent
No. 5,723,765, Control of Plant Gene Expression, is to prevent farmers who once 
get trapped into buying transgenic or GMO seeds from a company such as Monsanto 
or Syngenta, from Œbrown bagging¹ or being able to break free of control of 
their future crops by Monsanto and friends. As D&PL puts it, their patent gives 
them Œthe prospect of opening significant worldwide seed markets to the sale of 
transgenic technology in varietal crops in which crop seed currently is saved 
and used in subsequent seasons as planting seed.¹

Instead, the farmer or the country whose farmers depend on Monsanto patented GMO
seeds must pay a license fee to Monsanto each year to get new seeds. ŒNo tickee,
no laundy,¹ as the old Brooklyn poet would say.

Terminator is the answer to the agribusiness dream of controlling world food 
production. No longer would they need to hire expensive detectives to spy on 
whether farmers were re-using Monsanto or other GMO patented seed. Terminator 
corn or soybeans or cotton seeds could be genetically modified to Œcommit 
suicide¹ after one harvest season. That would automatically prevent farmers from
saving and re-using the seed for the next harvest. The technology would be a 
means of enforcing Monsanto or other GMO patent rights, and forcing payment of 
farmer use fees not only in developing economies, where patent rights were, 
understandably, little respected, but also in industrial OECD countries.

With Terminator patent rights, once a country such as Argentina or Brazil or 
Iraq or the USA or Canada opened its doors to the spread of GMO patented seeds 
among its farmers, their food security would be potentially hostage to a private
multinational company, a company which, for whatever reasons, especially given 
its intimate ties to the US Government, might decide to use Œfood as a weapon¹ 
to compel a US-friendly policy from that country or group of countries.

Sound far-fetched? Go back to what then-Secretary of State Henry Kissinger did 
in countries like Allende¹s Chile to force a regime change to a ŒUS-friendly¹ 
Pinochet dictatorship by withholding USAID and private food exports to Chile. 
Kissinger dubbed it Œfood as a weapon.¹ Terminator is merely the logical next 
step in food weapon technology.

The role of the US Government in backing and financing Delta & Pine Land¹s 
decades of Terminator research is even more revealing. As Kissinger said back in
the 1970¹s, ŒControl the oil and you can control entire Continents. Control food
and you control peopleŠ¹

In a June 1998 interview, USDA spokesman, Willard Phelps, defined the US 
Government policy on Terminator seeds. He explained that USDA wanted the 
technology to be Œwidely licensed and made expeditiously available to many seed 
companies.¹ He meant agribusiness GMO giants like Monsanto, DuPont or Dow. The 
USDA was open about their reasons: They wanted to get Terminator seeds into the 
developing world where the Rockefeller Foundation had made eventual 
proliferation of genetically engineered crops the heart of its GMO strategy from
the beginnings of its rice genome project in 1984.

USDA¹s Phelps stated that the US Government¹s goal in fostering the widest 
possible development of Terminator technology was Œto increase the value of 
proprietary seed owned by US seed companies and to open up new markets in Second
and Third World countries.¹

Under WTO rules on free trade in agriculture, countries are forbidden to impose 
their own national health restrictions on GMO imports if it is deemed to be an 
Œunfair trade barrier.¹ It begins to become clear why it was the US Government 
and US agribusiness which during the late 1980¹s pushed at the GATT Uruguay 
Round for creation of a World Trade Organization, with its supranational 
arbitrary powers over world agriculture trade. It all fits into a neat picture 
of patented seeds, forced on reluctant WTO member nations, under threat of WTO 
sanctions, and now of Terminator or suicide seeds.

A closer look at who runs and owns Delta & Pine Land is instructive.

Arkansas Politics and D&PL

The largest shareholder in D&PL is the Stephens Group of Little Rock, Arkansas. 
Here is where things become interesting indeed.

The man who is Chairman of the Board of DP&L is Jon E.M. Jacoby, who came to 
DP&L as representative of the Stephens Group. Jacoby is a Director and Vice 
Chairman of The Stephens Group LLC, the Arkansas-based private equity firm owned
by the Stephens family.

The Stephens Group prides itself on being the nation's largest investment bank 
outside Wall Street, based, of all places, in little ol' Little Rock, in 
hillbilly land, Arkansas, one of the poorest states in the United States. 
Stephens Inc. is also one of the biggest institutional shareholders in 30 large 
multinationals including the Arkansas based firms Tyson Food, the world¹s 
largest chicken industrial factory operation and the infamous Arkansas giant, 

Jackson Stephens, who founded the group with his brother, Witt, were more than 
just lucky Arkansas bankers and billionaires. Stephens evidently built his 
career and fortune by being connected to the Œright¹ people. He was a US Naval 
Academy classmate of Jimmy Carter and during the Georgia bank scandals of 
President Carter¹s Office of Management & Budget chief, Bert Lance, it was Jack 
Stephens who stepped in to bail Lance out of an extremely embarrassing financial
debacle with Lance¹s old bank, National Bank of Georgia.

How Stephens helped Jimmy Carter¹s fellow Georgia buddy, Lance, is the 
interesting part. Stephens introduced Lance to a Pakistani businessman, Agha 
Hasan Abedi. Abedi was the founder of a curious Luxembourg-registered, 
London-based bank called BCCI.

In 1990, BCCI was convicted of money laundering for the Columbian Cocaine 
Cartels in Miami.

In October, 1992, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee released an 800-page 
report on the BCCI collapse. They called the BCCI scandal, Œthe largest case of 
organized crime in history, spanning over some 72 nations,¹ adding that it 
represented an Œinternational financial crime on a massive and global scale,¹ 
and that the bank Œsystematically bribed world leaders and political figures 
throughout the world.¹

The Senate report concluded that among the provable charges against BCCI were 
ŒBCCI's criminality, including fraudŠinvolving billions of dollars; money 
laundering in Europe, Africa, Asia, and the America; BCCI's bribery of officials
in most of those locations; its support of terrorism, arms trafficking, and the 
sale of nuclear technologies; its management of prostitution; its commission and
facilitation of income tax evasion, smuggling, and illegal immigration; its 
illicit purchases of banks and real estate; and a panoply of financial crimes 
limited only by the imagination of its officers and customers.¹

Jackson Stephens was no casual business acquaintance of BCCI¹s Agha Hasan Abedi.
In response to the concerns over Jackson Stephens' involvement in BCCI, the Ohio
Attorney General noted in a 1993 report, ŒStephens' name has been linked to 
securities violations that allegedly occurred when the Bank of Commerce and 
Credit International (BCCI), a foreign bank dominated by Pakistani financier 
Agha Hasan Abedi, acquired stock and control over the Washington-based First 
American Bank.¹  In 1991, Stephens joined BCCI investor Mochtar Riady in buying 
BCCI's former Hong Kong subsidiary from its liquidators.

The Stephens Group was well-connected to another interesting Asian banking 
group, the billionaire Indonesian Riady family of Moktar and his son James 
Riady, who own the Lippo Bank in Indonesia. The Riadys are Chinese-Indonesian 
businessmen who, of all places, moved to Arkansas in the 1970¹s, despite holding
billions of assets in Asia. Stephens and Riady hit it off and soon Stephens and 
Riady bought a bank in Hong Kong. Stephens then invited Riady to invest in a 
Little Rock, Arkansas bank called Worthen.

BCCI and Jackson Stephens, chairman of the Stephens Group of Arkansas were well 
known to one another. Stephens Group board member, Jon E.M. Jacoby, today 
Chairman of Delta & Pine Land, and still a Vice Director of The Stephens Group, 
was a very senior, trusted member of the Stephens¹ inside circle for more than 
35 years.

Jackson Stephens¹ Stephens Group financially staked Sam Walton when he started 
Wal-Mart in 1970. Stephens also financed Tyson Foods to become the agribusiness 
global giant it is today. Jon Jacoby, as senior executive of the Stephens Group,
had arranged the 1970 Wal-Mart deal. Jon E.M. Jacoby and Jackson Stephens went 
way back.

Jacoby was Vice President of Stephens Inc. in the early 1990¹s, shortly after 
the BCCI scandals and early into the Presidency of another Jackson Stephens 
protégé, former Arkansas Governor and recipient of Stephens¹ political largess, 
William Jefferson Clinton.

When an Arkansas reporter questioned Jacoby on allegations of Clinton¹s alleged 
corruption as Governor of Arkansas, Jacoby quipped, ³You see a girl walking down
the street. You can say, ŒThere goes a beautiful girl¹ or "There goes a whore.¹ 
What the hell's the difference? They've both got legs.²

Arkansas politics is known for its colorful metaphors and its colorful 
politicians like William Jefferson Clinton. It¹s good to get a little of the 
flavor of this Arkansas colorfulness to get a better picture of Delta & Pine 

Stephens Group, Tyson Farms and Other Arkansas Fairy Tales

A tangled web of relations links the Stephens Group and Delta & Pine Land of 
Scott, Mississippi with another satellite in the agribusiness orbit of the 
influential Stephens Group. The Stephens Group is also linked intimately with 
Arkansas-based Tyson Foods, the US¹ largest agribusiness processor of 
industrialized chicken meat, and arguably one of its most unsanitary ones.

Tyson Foods curiously emerged from the recent Avian Flu (H5N1) virus scare as a 
winner, using the lie that their factory farm mass-bred assembly-line chickens 
were more Œsanitary¹ than free-roaming small farm chickens of Asia.

Washington Administrations, at least since the Presidency of Bill Clinton, seem 
to have a love affair of some sort with Tyson Foods.

It began when Clinton sought to name an Arkansas crony, Mike Espy, to be his 
Secretary of Agriculture. Before Clinton could submit Espy¹s name to the Senate 
for confirmation, however, Espy was sent to Arkansas for a meeting that would 
decide if Espy had the right stuff. The meeting was with Don Tyson, head of 
Tyson Foods.

Tyson apparently concluded that Espy indeed had the right stuff, at least as far
as Tyson was concerned. Soon after being named head of USDA, Espy enacted 
measures significantly weakening Federal chicken waste and contamination 
standards. That opened the floodgates for expansion of Tyson Foods chicken 
factory farms into the huge concentrations of chicken waste and rivers 
overflowing with toxic pollution in Arkansas and beyond.

The Wall Street Journal on May 28, 2003 reviewed the allegations surrounding 
then-President Clinton and his wife, Hillary. They detailed some relevant points
from the Clintons¹ Arkansas days:


Hillary Rodham Clinton joins the Rose Law Firm. Jackson Stephens joins with 
former Carter administration budget director Bert Lance and a group of Mideast 
investors--later identified as key figures in the corrupt Bank of Credit & 
Commerce International--in an unsuccessful attempt to acquire Financial General 
Bankshares in Washington, D.C


October: Mrs. Clinton, now a partner at the Rose Firm, begins a series of 
commodities trades under the guidance of Tyson Foods executive Jim Blair, 
earning nearly $100,000. (author¹s emphasis). The trades are not revealed until 
March 1994.

November: Bill Clinton is elected Governor of Arkansas.

The Rose law firm was the house law firm of Jackson Stephens¹ Stephens Group 
investment bank in Little Rock. To be the corporate law firm of the Stephens 
Group was no casual affair. It implied a deep trust relationship and perhaps 
more. As one crony of Jackson Stephens put it at that time, ŒJackson Stephens? 
He¹s the man who owns Arkansas.¹

The head of the prestigious Rose law firm in Little Rock in those days was C. 
Joseph Giroir jr. In 1977 Giroir hired a young lawyer named Hillary Clinton to 
work for Rose. It was all one cozy Arkansas-Indonesia family back then.

The Wall Street Journal commentary on the Clinton years had the following entry 
for 1987, as Clinton was still Arkansas Governor:


Officials at investment giant Stephens Inc., including longtime Clinton friend, 
David Edwards, take steps to rescue Harken Energy, a struggling Texas oil 
company with George W. Bush on its board. Over the next three years, Mr. Edwards
brings BCCI-linked investors and advisers into Harken deals. One of them, 
Abdullah Bakhsh, purchases $10 million in shares of Stephens-dominated Worthen 
Bank. (author¹s emphasis).

Jackson Stephens¹ political largesse was non-partisan: Democrats Jimmy Carter, 
Bill Clinton, and then Republican George W. Bush, the man now in the White House
as Monsanto seeks approval to take over the Stephens Group¹s Delta & pine land.

In December 1992, just after Clinton had been elected President in a campaign 
financed at critical points by Jackson Stephens and friends, including the 
Indonesian-American Riady family, Vince Foster, an Arkansas friend of the 
Clinton¹s, and a law partner at Hillary¹s Rose law firm, met James McDougal. 
Foster arranged for McDougal to buy the Clintons' remaining shares in Whitewater
Development Co. That land deal was focus of Congressional investigation of the 
Clintons. McDougal was loaned the money for the purchase by Tyson Foods counsel 
Jim Blair, the long-time Clinton friend and commodities adviser who in 1978 had 
Œtutored¹ Hillary in her fabulously successful commodities speculation. The loan
by Tyson¹s Jim Blair to McDougal was never repaid.

No sooner did Bill and Hillary Clinton move into the White House, and the Tyson 
Foods-approved Mike Espy took over as US Secretary of Agriculture, than 
Hillary¹s former law partner, Joseph Giroir, set up a corporation. It was called
Arkansas International Development Corporation (AIDC). In fact, it appears that 
the AIDC was set up to do joint ventures with the Indonesian Lippo Group of the 
business partners of Jackson Stephens, Mokhtar and James Riady.

The Arkansas International Development Corporation brokered a deal between 
Indonesia¹s Lippo Group and Arkansas¹ Tyson Foods that opened Indonesia to 
import Tyson Foods industrially-produced Arkansas factory farm chickens. One 
food Indonesia does not need to import is certainly chickens. The cheap Arkansas
imports destroyed the fragile economy of domestic Indonesian small family 
chicken farmers.

Another project of AIDC was to issue bonds to build an airport in the Arkansas 
backwoods for the sole purpose of shipping Tyson Farms chickens to Indonesia. 
Recall that Clinton¹s wife had been profiting from the trading advice of Tyson 
Foods since October 1978, a month before her husband became Governor.

Under the Clinton Presidency, agribusiness, especially agribusiness tied to the 
Stephens¹ interests, made huge advances.

Agriculture Secretary Espy was forced to resign in October 1994, and was 
indicted on charges of accepting bribes and other gratuities. Among the charges 
against him were making false statements, concealing money from prohibited 
sources, illegal gratuities, illegal contributions, falsifying records, 
interstate transportation of stolen property, money laundering, and illegal 
dispersal of USDA subsidies. The largest corporate offender was Tyson Foods. 
Tyson had illegally offered Espy $12,000 in airplane rides, football tickets and
other payoffs. Espy got off because the law makes it easier to convict a briber 
than a bribee. Tyson paid the government $6 million to close its case.

Tyson had been enthusiastic supporters of the Clinton family for years. In 1994,
Time reported that a senior pilot for Tyson, Joe Henrickson, had been grilled 
for three days by the Espy Independent Prosecutor, Dan Smaltz, and FBI agents. 
They grilled the Tyson pilot about earlier transfers of cash to the (Arkansas) 
Governor's (Bill Clinton) mansion. According to Time, Henrickson claimed to have
carried white envelopes containing a quarter-inch stack of $100 bills on six 

Time magazine reported that, ŒIn one case, [Henrickson claimed] a Tyson 
executive handed him an envelope of cash in the company's aircraft hanger in 
Fayetteville and said, 'This is for Governor Clinton.¹ Arkansas has its 
political traditions and the Stephens and Tyson families are evidently skilled 
practitioners of that art.

The real interest in Jacoby¹s Delta & Pine Land

By now the question comes, what is so attractive about the Stephens Group¹s 
Delta & Pine Land that Monsanto makes its second bid to add it to its global 
genetically-engineered seeds empire?

It¹s the patent Delta & Pine Land, together with the US Government, 
holds--Patent No. 5,723,765, titled, Control of Plant Gene Expression. The USDA 
through its Agricultural Research Service (USDA-ARS) in Lubbock, Texas, as 
already noted, has worked with Delta & Pine Land since 1983 to perfect 
Terminator GMO technology. Patent  No. 5,723,765 is the patent for Terminator 

One year later, in early 1999 Monsanto, the largest producer of GMO seeds and 
related agri-chemicals, announced it was acquiring Delta & Pine Land along with 
Delta¹s Terminator patents.

In October 1999, however, following a worldwide storm of protest against 
Terminator seeds that threatened the very future of the Rockefeller Foundation¹s
ŒGene Revolution¹ Dr. Gordon Conway, President of the prestigious Rockefeller 
Foundation, met privately with the Board of Directors of Monsanto. Conway 
convinced Monsantom that for the long-term future of their GMO Project, they 
must go public to indicate to a worried world that it would not Œcommercialize¹ 
Terminator. Development of the genetic revolution and genetic engineering as a 
research area had been the project of the Rockefeller Foundation over decades, 
along with researchers in the family¹s Rockefeller University.

The Anglo-Swiss Syngenta joined with Monsanto in declaring solemnly that they 
would also not commercialize their work on GURTS or Terminator suicide seed 

That 1999 announcement took enormous pressure off of Monsanto and the 
agribusiness GMO giants, allowing them to advance the proliferation of their 
patented GMO seeds globally. Terminator could come later, once farmers and 
entire national agriculture areas like North America or Argentina or India had 
been taken over by GMO crops. Then, of course, it would be too late. The 
Rockefeller-Monsanto 1999 press conference was clearly application of classic 
Lenin Bolshevik tactics‹Two Steps Forward, One Step BackŠ

Despite the Monsanto declaration of a moratorium on Terminator development, the 
US Government and the again independent Delta & Pine Land refused to drop their 
Terminator development.

In 2000, a year after the Monsanto Terminator moratorium announcement, the 
Clinton Administration¹s USDA Secretary, Dan Glickman, refused repeated efforts 
by various agriculture and NGO organizations to drop  the Government¹s support 
for Terminator or GURTs. His Department¹s feeble excuse for not dropping support
for the work with Delta & Pine Land was that it allowed the US Government to put
Œleverage¹ on D&PL to Œprotect the public interest.¹ Six years later it became 
clear: the only leverage the US Government had put on D&PL¹s commercialization 
efforts on GURTs had been to lever it into commercial reality.

Delta Vice President, Harry Collins, declared at the time in a press interview 
in the Agra/Industrial Biotechnology Legal Letter, ŒWe¹ve continued right on 
with work on the Technology Protection System (TPS or Terminator). We never 
really slowed down. We¹re on target, moving ahead to commercialize it. We never 
really backed off.¹

Nor did their partner, the United States Department of Agriculture, back down on
Terminator after 1999. In 2001 the USDA Agricultural Research Service (ARS) 
website announced: ŒUSDA has no plans to introduce TPS into any germplasmŠOur 
involvement has been to help develop the technology, not to assist companies to 
use it.¹ As if to say, Œsee, our hands are clean.¹ Then they went on to say the 
USDA was, Œcommitted to making the [Terminator] technology as widely available 
as possible, so that its benefits will accrue to all segments of society 
(sic)ŠARS intends to do research on other applications of this unique gene 
control discoveryŠWhen new applications are at the appropriate stage of 
development, this technology will also be transferred to the private sector for 
commercial application.¹ Terminator was alive and well inside the Washington 

In 2001, the USDA and Delta & Pine executed a Commercialization Agreement for 
Terminator, its infamous Patent No. 5,723,765. The Government and Delta & Pine 
Land were not at all concerned about worldwide outcry against Terminator.

That announcement came two years after Monsanto had dropped its planned takeover
of D&PL, with its Terminator patents.

The world was left with the (misleading) impression that Terminator was dead. 
Reality was it was anything but dead. Seven years later, long after public 
outcry against Terminator technology had died down, Monsanto re-entered and 
bought Delta & Pine Land and its Terminator patents.

Delta & Pine Land¹s global net

The key scientific member of the Delta & Pine Land board since 1993 has been Dr.
Nam-Hai Chua. Chua, 62, is also head of the Rockefeller University Plant 
Molecular Biology Laboratory in New York, and has been for over 25 years, the 
labs which are at the heart of the Rockefeller Foundation¹s decades-long 
development, and spending of more than $100 millions of its own research grants 
to create their Gene Revolution. Until 1995, Chua was also a scientific 
consultant to Monsanto Corporation, as well as to DuPont¹s Pioneer Hi-Bred 
International. Chua is at the heart of Rockefeller¹s Gene Revolution. And, 
clearly, Delta & Pine Land and their research on Terminator have been in the 
center of that work.

Delta & Pine Land is well-placed globally to proliferate its suicide seeds now, 
with the corporate and financial clout of the giant Monsanto company. Delta & 
Pine already has subsidiaries including D&PL Argentina, D&PL China, D&PL China 
PTE in Singapore, Deltapine Paraguay, Delta Pine de Mexico, Deltapine Australia,
Hebei Ji Dai Cottonseed Technology Company in China, CDM Mandiyu in Argentina, 
Delta and Pine Land Hellas in Greece, D&M Brazil Algodao of Brazil, D&PL India, 
D&PL Mauritius Ltd.

This vast global network combined with Monsanto¹s dominant position in the GMO 
seeds and agri-chemicals market along with the unique DP&L  Patent No. 
5,723,765, Control of Plant Gene Expression, now give Monsanto and its close 
friends in Washington an enormous advance in their plans to dominate world food 
and plant seed use.

* F. William Engdahl is  author of the soon-to-be-released book, Seeds of 
Destruction: The Dark Side of Genetically-engineered Food. He also authored ΠA 
Century of War: Anglo-American Oil Politics,¹ Pluto Press Ltd. He may be 
contacted at his website, www.engdahl.oilgeopolitics.net.


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