Andrew G. Marshall- “KBR: Martial Law, Inc.”


Richard Moore

Martial Law, Inc.
KBR: A Halliburton Subsidiary

By Andrew G. Marshall

Global Research, March 5, 2008

KBR, or Kellogg Brown & Root, was a subsidiary of the Halliburton Corporation 
until 2007, when bad publicity and indictments against KBR forced Halliburton to
sell its shares in KBR.1

KBR and Vietnam:

KBR, having financed Lyndon Johnson from the 1940s and into the Vice 
Presidential position, was rewarded after Kennedy¹s assassination with lucrative
contracts in the escalated Vietnam War. ³Johnson, who became president in 1963 
after Kennedy¹s assassination and who was elected with broad support in 1964, 
used the Gulf of Tonkin incident,² in order to ³justify the sending of ground 
troops into Vietnam. The result of that move was the need for billions of 
dollars worth of bases, airstrips, ports, and bridges. Enter Brown & Root.²2

With that, ³In 1965, a year after Johnson stepped up America¹s participation in 
Vietnam, Brown & Root joined three other construction and project management 
behemoths, Raymond International, Morris-Knudsen, and J.A. Jones to form one of 
the largest civilian-based military construction conglomerates in history.² That
team of corporations was known as RMK-BRJ, which, ³literally changed the face of
Vietnam, clearing out wide swaths of jungle for airplane landing strips, 
dredging channels for ships, and building American bases from Da Nang to 
Saigon.²3 KBR, as a member of this joint conglomerate, was also contracted to 
build new prison cells in Vietnam, replacing the ³horribly inhumane prison cells
built by the French government 75 years earlier to hold prisoners.²4

KBR and the Rwandan Genocide:

In 1990, the first invasion of Rwanda took place by the Rwandan Patriotic Front 
(RPF), a militant organization from Uganda, overseen by a man by the name of 
Paul Kagame. The aim of this Tutsi rebel organization was the overthrow of 
Rwanda¹s then-Hutu President Habyarimana, who was at the time, using World Bank 
loans to import enormous numbers of machetes under World Bank surveillance of 
Rwanda¹s expenditure.5 This was the offset of the Rwandan civil war, which 
lasted until 1993, when a peace agreement was being brokered between Rwanda¹s 
president and other neighboring leaders, including the President of Burundi. 
When the presidents of Rwanda and Burundi were flying back to Rwanda during the 
time of peace settlements, in 1994, their plane, also carrying on board many 
French officials, was shot down. This is the event that triggered the Rwandan 

The first invasion of Rwanda by the RPF in 1990 ³had the military backing of the
first Bush administration [1989-1993], including Secretary of Defense Dick 
Cheney.²6 In 1992, ³then-Defense Secretary Dick Cheney commissioned Brown & Root
to produce a classified report examining the benefits of greatly expanding 
logistics privatization. The report led the Pentagon to solicit bids from 
thirty-seven firms for an unprecedented five-year contract to provide the bulk 
of the Army¹s overseas logistics needs. Later that year, the Defense Department 
chose Brown & Root as the first such umbrella logistics contractor.²7

In 1993, newly elected President Bill Clinton continued this policy of 
supporting the RPF. His trusted allies in the United Nations, Madeline Albright,
then US Ambassador to the United Nations and Kofi Annan, then head of the UN¹s 
peacekeeping operations, ensured that the relationship would be concealed from 
the public. Wayne Madsen reported that both Albright and Annan, ³conveniently 
chose to ignore evidence that a US-trained and supplied guerrilla force ­ the 
Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) ­ was responsible for the fateful April 
6, 1994 terrorist missile attack on the aircraft carrying the Hutu presidents of
Rwanda and Burundi home from a peace summit in Tanzania.²8

Paul Kagame, leader of the RPF, had been trained at US military bases in the 
United States in guerilla warfare tactics, and had very close ties to the 
Pentagon, the US State Department and the CIA.9 It also turns out that the US 
supplied the RPF with the missiles used to shoot down the plane carrying the two
presidents, and that a UN investigation revealed that the warehouse which was 
used in assembling the missile launchers was leased to a company linked to none 
other than the CIA. Albright and Annan also ensured that information did not 
reach the public.10

Madsen revealed that a French investigation in 2004 about the shooting down of 
the plane, carried out on behalf of the French citizens who were killed on the 
plane, revealed that there was a startling connection to an organization that 
goes by the name of the, ³International Strategic and Tactical Organization² 
[ISTO], which represents powerful political and corporate interests, including 
Armitage and Associates LC, a firm founded by George W. Bush¹s first Deputy 
Secretary of Defense Richard Armitage, and KBR, or Kellogg Brown & Root, then a 
subsidiary of Halliburton.11 In 1994, KBR was in Rwanda under a $6.3 million 
contract called ³Operation Support Hope.²12

As a result of the Rwandan genocide, many of the key players got handsomely 
rewarded with promotions. Paul Kagame became President of Rwanda, Kofi Annan 
became Secretary-General of the United Nations, and Madeline Albright became 
Bill Clinton¹s Secretary of State. A year later, in 1995, Dick Cheney went to 
become the CEO of Halliburton until the year 2000.

KBR and The Congo Civil War:

Kellogg-Brown & Root, which was connected to the, ³International Strategic and 
Tactical Organization² (ISTO), made another appearance in Africa. This time, it 
was to do with the Congo civil war, which started in the late 1990s. The Congo 
was invaded in 1996 by forces from Rwanda under the leadership of Paul Kagame, 
as well as Burundi and Uganda sending in troops supporting rebel Congolese 
leader, Laurent Kabila, to overthrow the then-President of Congo [Zaire], Mobutu
Sese Seko.13 KBR, ³reportedly built a military base on the Congolese/Rwandan 
border, where the Rwandan army has trained,² and, what¹s more, ³The Bechtel 
Corporation provided satellite maps and reconnaissance photos to Kabila so that 
he could monitor the movements of Mobutu¹s troops.²14 Bechtel¹s board of 
directors includes former Secretary of State George Schultz and has former 
Secretary of Defense, Caspar Wienberger, as a legal counsel, while Dick Cheney 
was CEO of Halliburton and its subsidiary KBR at this time.

After deposing the former President of Congo, Kabila gave out juicy contracts to
big corporations ready to rape the Congo¹s resources. American Mineral Fields 
(AMF) got a huge contract for exploration rights over many rich minerals, and 
³Mike McMurrough, a friend of US President Bill Clinton, was the chair of 
AMF.²15 Another big company to profit off the death of millions of Congolese 
people is Barrick Gold Corporation, a Canadian mining company, with former 
Canadian Prime Minister Brian Mulroney and Clinton Adviser Vernon Jordan on its 
board of directors, and George HW Bush as a company adviser.16

KBR in Bosnia and Kosovo:

As economics professor at the University of Ottawa, Michel Chossudovsky, noted, 
³Throughout the 1990s, the Pakistan Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) was used 
by the CIA as a go-between -- to channel weapons and Mujahideen mercenaries to 
the Bosnian Muslim Army in the civil war in Yugoslavia.² Quoting a report by the
International Media Corporation, Chossudovsky wrote:

Reliable sources report that the United States is now [1994] actively 
participating in the arming and training of the Muslim forces of 
Bosnia-Herzegovina in direct contravention of the United Nations accords. US 
agencies have been providing weapons made in ... China (PRC), North Korea (DPRK)
and IranŠ

Š It was [also] reported that 400 members of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard 
(Pasdaran) arrived in Bosnia with a large supply of arms and ammunition. It was 
alleged that the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) had full knowledge of the 
operation and that the CIA believed that some of the 400 had been detached for 
future terrorist operations in Western Europe.

During September and October [1994], there has been a stream of "Afghan" 
Mujahedin ... covertly landed in Ploce, Croatia (South-West of Mostar) from 
where they have traveled with false papers ... before deploying with the Bosnian
Muslim forces in the Kupres, Zenica and Banja Luka areasŠ

The Mujahedin landing at Ploce are reported to have been accompanied by US 
Special Forces equipped with high-tech communications equipment, ... The sources
said that the mission of the US troops was to establish a command, control, 
communications and intelligence network to coordinate and support Bosnian Muslim
offensives -- in concert with Mujahideen and Bosnian Croat forces.17

Further, a Congressional report issued in 1997, ³confirms unequivocally the 
complicity of the Clinton Administration with several Islamic fundamentalist 
organisations including Osama bin Laden's al Qaeda,² and that, ³The "Bosnian 
pattern" described in the 1997 Congressional RPC report was replicated in 
Kosovo. With the complicity of NATO and the US State Department. Mujahideen 
mercenaries from the Middle East and Central Asia were recruited to fight in the
ranks of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) in 1998-99, largely supporting NATO's 
war effort.² It was revealed that, ³the task of arming and training of the KLA 
had been entrusted in 1998 to the US Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA) and 
Britain's Secret Intelligence Services MI6.²18

After the US/British instigated conflicts in Bosnia and Kosovo in the 1990s, 
Halliburton subsidiary KBR got another interesting contract. As the Asia Times 
reported, KBR¹s ³big break came in December 1995. Dick Cheney had been the chief
executive officer of parent company Halliburton for only two months. KBR was 
sent to Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo to build two army camps in the middle of 
two deserted wheat fields. Instead it built two cities, one in Bosnia and one in
Kosovo - complete with mail delivery and 24-hour food and laundry. In other 
words: without KBR, there would be no operating US Army in Bosnia and Kosovo. 
And the money was great: from 1995-2000, the KBR bill to the US government was 
more than $2 billion.² On top of this:

KBR's strategic masterpiece is Camp Bondsteel - the largest and most expensive 
US Army base since Vietnam, still in use today, complete with roads, its own 
power generators, houses, satellite dishes, a helicopter airfield and of course 
a Vietnam-style prison. By a fabulous coincidence, Camp Bondsteel is right on 
the path of the Albanian-Macedonian-Bulgarian Oil (AMBO) Trans-Balkan Pipeline. 
This key piece of Pipelineistan is supposed to connect the oil-and-gas-rich 
Caspian Sea with Europe. The feasibility project for AMBO was conducted by none 
other than KBR.19

As Michel Chossudovsky wrote, ³The plans to build Camp Bondsteel under a 
lucrative multibillion dollar DoD [Department of Defense] contract with 
Halliburton's Texas based subsidiary KBR were formulated while Dick Cheney was 
Halliburton's CEO,² and that, ³The US and NATO had advanced plans to bomb 
Yugoslavia before 1999, and many European political leaders now believe that the
US deliberately used the bombing of Yugoslavia to establish camp Bondsteel in 
Kosovo. According to Colonel Robert L. McCure, ŒEngineering planning for 
operations in Kosovo began months before the first bomb was dropped¹.² The 
reasoning behind this was that:

One of the objectives underlying Camp Bondsteel was to protect the 
Albanian-Macedonian-Bulgarian Oil pipeline project (AMBO), which was to channel 
Caspian sea oil from the Bulgarian Black Sea port of Burgas to the Adriatic.

Coincidentally, two years prior to the invasion, in 1997, a senior executive of 
`Brown & Root Energy, a subsidiary of Halliburton, Edward L. (Ted) Ferguson had 
been appointed to head AMBO. The feasibility plans for the AMBO pipeline were 
also undertaken by Halliburton's engineering company, Kellog, Brown & Root 

KBR in Afghanistan and Iraq:

As Dan Briody wrote in The Halliburton Agenda, ³When troops were deployed to 
Afghanistan, so was Kellogg Brown & Root. They built US bases in Bagram and 
Kandahar for $157 million. As it had done in the past, KBR has men on the ground
before the first troops even arrived in most locations.²21 It was reported that 
KBR ³was awarded a $100 million contract in 2002 to build a new U.S. embassy in 
Kabul, Afghanistan, from the State Department.²22

As the Center for Public Integrity reported, ³KBR, Inc., the global engineering 
and construction giant, won more than $16 billion in U.S. government contracts 
for work in Iraq and Afghanistan from 2004 to 2006‹far more than any other 

Indeed, the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq presented Halliburton and its 
subsidiary, KBR, with an amazing opportunity of war profiteering on a scale 
never before seen. Not only was the company enriching itself, but its former 
CEO, Dick Cheney, currently Vice President of the United States, ³sold most of 
his Halliburton shares when he left the company, but retained stock options 
worth about $8m,² and the Guardian reported in 2003 that KBR ³is still making 
annual payments to its former chief executive, the vice-president Dick 

In December of 2005, the Chicago Tribune reported that, ³A proposal prohibiting 
defense contractor involvement in human trafficking for forced prostitution and 
labor was drafted by the Pentagon last summer, but five defense lobbying groups 
oppose key provisions.² The lobbying groups, ³say they're in favor of the idea 
in principle, but said they believe that implementing key portions of it 
overseas is unrealistic. They represent thousands of firms, including some of 
the industry's biggest names, such as DynCorp International and Halliburton 
subsidiary KBR, both of which have been linked to trafficking-related 
concerns.²25 However, human trafficking experts have criticized the move by the 
lobbying groups, and told ³the Pentagon that the policy would merely formalize 
practices that have allowed contractors working overseas to escape punishment 
for involvement in trafficking.²

The allegations of human trafficking include, ³the alleged involvement of 
DynCorp employees in buying women and girls as sex slaves in Bosnia during the 
U.S. military's deployment there in the late 1990s,² and that, ³Middle Eastern 
firms working under American subcontracts in Iraq, and a chain of human brokers 
beneath them, engaged in the kind of abuses condemned elsewhere by the U.S. 
government as human trafficking,² which pertained to KBR. The Chicago Tribune 
then reported in 2006 that, ³some of KBR's subcontractors, and a chain of human 
brokers stretching to South and Southeast Asia, allegedly engaged in the same 
kinds of abuses routinely condemned² as human trafficking.26

In December of 2007, it was reported that, ³A Houston, Texas woman says she was 
gang-raped by Halliburton/KBR coworkers in Baghdad, and the company and the U.S.
government are covering up the incident.² The article continued, ³Jamie Leigh 
Jones, now 22, says that after she was raped by multiple men at a KBR camp in 
the Green Zone, the company put her under guard in a shipping container with a 
bed and warned her that if she left Iraq for medical treatment, she'd be out of 
a job.²27 Jones filed a lawsuit against Halliburton and KBR, and ³says she was 
held in the shipping container for at least 24 hours without food or water by 
KBR, which posted armed security guards outside her door, who would not let her 
leave. Jones described the container as sparely furnished with a bed, table and 

KBR and the North American Union:

More recently, KBR has been awarded contracts by Shell Canada, now majority 
owned by its parent company, Royal Dutch Shell, ³to provide field construction 
and module fabrication services by Shell Canada for the Scotford Upgrader 
Expansion east of Edmonton, Alberta, Canada.²28 Business Wire reported that, 
³The Scotford Upgrader Expansion project is part of the Athabasca Oil Sands 
Project (AOSP) Expansion 1, which will add approximately 100,000 barrels per day
of capacity to the AOSP bitumen mining and upgrading facilities. AOSP is a joint
venture between Shell Canada, Chevron Canada Limited and Western Oil Sands L.P. 
The total estimated cost of the project is between Cdn$10 billion and $12.8 

This is significant because it directly relates to the ³deep integration² of 
Canada, the United States, and Mexico into a North American Union under the 
auspices of the Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America (SPP). The 
Independent Task Force on the Future of North America was a joint task force 
created between the US-based Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), the Mexican 
Council on Foreign Relations and the Canadian Council of Chief Executives 
(CCCE). The purpose of this task force was to produce a document, which would 
serve as a blueprint for the implementation of ³integrating² the three countries
of North America into a regional block, ultimately into a North American Union. 
The report was issued 2 months after the leaders of the 3 nations signed the 
Security and Prosperity Partnership agreement in 2005, and is titled, ³Building 
a North American Community.²

In this document, regarding integrating energy sectors, it stated, ³Canada¹s 
vast oilsands, once a high-cost experimental means of extracting oil, now 
provide a viable new source of energy that is attracting a steady stream of 
multibillion dollar investments, and interest from countries such as China, and 
they have catapulted Canada into second place in the world in terms of proved 
oil reserves. Production from oilsands fields is projected to reach 2 million 
barrels per day by 2010.²29 The report further stated, ³the three governments 
need to work together to ensure energy security for people in all three 
countries. Issues to be addressed include the expansion and protection of the 
North American energy infrastructure.²30

In 2006, the SPP created a new organization with the specific purpose of 
³advising² and ³directing² the three governments on how to integrate properly 
and to set deadlines for specific programs. This organization is called the 
North American Competitiveness Council (NACC).

The Canadian membership of the North American Competitiveness Council includes 
Dominic D¹Alessandro, President and CEO of Manulife Financial, who is also 
Chairman of the Canadian Council of Chief Executives (CCCE), David A. Ganong, 
President of Ganong Bros. Limited, as well as being a director of the CCCE and a
director of Sun Life Financial, Hunter Harrison, President and CEO of Canadian 
National Railway Company and member of the CCCE, Linda Hasenfratz, CEO of 
Linamar Corporation who also sits on the board of CIBC, Michael Sabia, President
and CEO of Bell Canada Enterprises (BCE), Annette Verschuren, President of The 
Home Depot Canada and member of the board of the CCCE, Richard E. Waugh, 
President and CEO of The Bank of Nova Scotia who also is on the board of the 
Institute for International Finance, is a member of the Chairman's Advisory 
Council for the Council of the Americas, and the IMF's Capital Markets 
Consultative Group. Further members of the NACC include Richard L. George, 
President and CEO of Suncor Energy Inc., an American who is Honourary Chair of 
the CCCE, and Paul Desmarais, Jr., Chairman and Co-CEO of Power Corporation of 

Suncor, one of the Canadian corporations on the NACC, has as a member of its 
board of directors an American by the name of John Huff. John R. Huff, also 
happens to be on the board of directors of KBR32, now in a joint project with 
Shell in developing the oil sands, as recommended by the SPP.

KBR and Concentration Camps:

The New York Times reported in 2003, that, ³Since the attacks of Sept. 11, 
Kellogg Brown & Root has won significant additional business from the federal 
government and the Pentagon. It has built cells for detainees at Guantánamo Bay 
in Cuba and is the exclusive logistics supplier for the Navy and the Army, 
providing services like cooking, construction, power generation and fuel 
transportation.²33 In 2005, the Independent reported that, ³A subsidiary of 
Halliburton, the oil services group once led by the US Vice-President, Dick 
Cheney, has won a $30m (£16m) contract to help build a new permanent prison for 
terror suspects at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.²34

On January 24, 2006, KBR, which was still a subsidiary of Halliburton at the 
time, got a contract from the Department of Homeland Security, ³to support the 
Department of Homeland Security¹s (DHS) U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement
(ICE) facilities in the event of an emergency.²35 The press release on KBR¹s 
website further stated that the contract has a ³maximum total value of $385 
million over a five-year term, consisting of a one-year based period and four 
one-year options, the competitively awarded contract will be executed by the 
U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, Fort Worth District. KBR held the previous ICE 
contract from 2000 through 2005.² The Executive Director of the KBR Government 
and Infrastructure division was quoted in the release as saying the contract, 
³builds on our extremely strong track record in the arena of emergency 
operations support.²

The contract awarded to KBR, a construction firm, ³provides for establishing 
temporary detention and processing capabilities to augment existing ICE 
Detention and Removal Operations (DRO) Program facilities in the event of an 
emergency influx of immigrants into the U.S., or to support the rapid 
development of new programs,² [Emphasis added]. Further, ³The contract may also 
provide migrant detention support to other U.S. Government organizations in the 
event of an immigration emergency, as well as the development of a plan to react
to a national emergency, such as a natural disaster,² [Emphasis added].

As author, professor and former diplomat Peter Dale Scott notes in his book, The
Road to 9/11: Wealth, Empire, and the Future of America, ³On February 6, 2007, 
homeland security secretary Michael Chertoff announced that the fiscal year 2007
federal budget would allocate more than $400 million to add sixty-seven hundred 
additional detention beds (an increase of 32 percent over 2006).² Scott goes on 
to state that this was ³in partial fulfillment of an ambitious ten-year Homeland
Security strategic plan, code-named Endgame, authorized in 2003,² whose goal was
to ³remove all removable aliens,² as well as ³potential terrorists.²36

As Scott wrote in an article shortly after the KBR contract was issued in 2006, 
³the contract evoked ominous memories of Oliver North's controversial Rex-84 
Œreadiness exercise¹ in 1984. This called for the Federal Emergency Management 
Agency (FEMA) to round up and detain 400,000 imaginary Œrefugees,¹ in the 
context of Œuncontrolled population movements¹ over the Mexican border into the 
United States.² Scott quoted Daniel Ellsberg, who in 1971 as a military analyst 
leaked the ³Pentagon Papers² about the military¹s activities in Vietnam, as 
saying, ³Almost certainly this is preparation for a roundup after the next 9/11 
for Mid-Easterners, Muslims and possibly dissenters,² and that, ³They've already
done this on a smaller scale, with the 'special registration' detentions of 
immigrant men from Muslim countries, and with Guantanamo.²37

A recent San Francisco Chronicle article, co-authored by a former US 
Congressman, reported that, ³Beginning in 1999, the government has entered into 
a series of single-bid contracts with Halliburton subsidiary Kellogg, Brown and 
Root (KBR) to build detention camps at undisclosed locations within the United 
States. The government has also contracted with several companies to build 
thousands of railcars, some reportedly equipped with shackles, ostensibly to 
transport detainees.²38


As the preparations of martial law are being put in place, it is of vital 
important to identify the specific corporations involved in this process. 
Administrations change, politicians go in and out of power, but the corporation 
is a consistent powerhouse. In this case, KBR has been a force to be reckoned 
with since the rise of Lyndon Johnson. Today, it has reached new heights. It was
necessary to examine the recent history of this company¹s activities, much the 
same as identifying a person¹s own history and experiences to account for their 
present personality: so as to better understand their actions today. Given KBR¹s
history related to war and violence, more light should be shed on their current 
activities with the Department of Homeland Security, as morality is not a 
concept KBR seems to understand.


1 KBR Splits From Halliburton, Names New Board Members, RigZone, April 9, 2007:

2 Dan Briody, The Halliburton Agenda: The Politics of Oil and Money. John Wiley 
& Sons, Inc.: New Jersey, 2004: pages 163-64

3 Dan Briody, The Halliburton Agenda: The Politics of Oil and Money. John Wiley 
& Sons, Inc.: New Jersey, 2004: page 164

4 Dan Briody, The Halliburton Agenda: The Politics of Oil and Money. John Wiley 
& Sons, Inc.: New Jersey, 2004: page 167

5 Michel Chossudovsky, The Globalization of Poverty and the New World Order, 2nd
ed. Global Research: 2003, page 114

6 Wayne Madsen, Jaded Tasks ­ Brass Plates, Black Ops, & Big Oil: The Blood 
Politics of Bush & Co. TrineDay: 2006, page 2

7 Habib Moody, Soldiers for Rent. The New Atlantis: No. 17, Summer 2007:

8 Wayne Madsen, Jaded Tasks ­ Brass Plates, Black Ops, & Big Oil: The Blood 
Politics of Bush & Co. TrineDay: 2006, page 2

9 Wayne Madsen, Jaded Tasks ­ Brass Plates, Black Ops, & Big Oil: The Blood 
Politics of Bush & Co. TrineDay: 2006, pages 2-3

10 Wayne Madsen, Jaded Tasks ­ Brass Plates, Black Ops, & Big Oil: The Blood 
Politics of Bush & Co. TrineDay: 2006, page 12

11 Wayne Madsen, Jaded Tasks ­ Brass Plates, Black Ops, & Big Oil: The Blood 
Politics of Bush & Co. TrineDay: 2006, page 6-12

12 Dan Briody, The Halliburton Agenda: The Politics of Oil and Money. John Wiley
& Sons, Inc.: New Jersey, 2004: page 186

13 Steven Hiatt, ed., A Game As Old As Empire: The Secret World of Economic Hit 
Men and the Web of Global Corruption. Berrett-Koehler Publishers, Inc: 2007, 
page 94

14 Steven Hiatt, ed., A Game As Old As Empire: The Secret World of Economic Hit 
Men and the Web of Global Corruption. Berrett-Koehler Publishers, Inc: 2007, 
page 99

15 Steven Hiatt, ed., A Game As Old As Empire: The Secret World of Economic Hit 
Men and the Web of Global Corruption. Berrett-Koehler Publishers, Inc: 2007, 
page 99

16 Steven Hiatt, ed., A Game As Old As Empire: The Secret World of Economic Hit 
Men and the Web of Global Corruption. Berrett-Koehler Publishers, Inc: 2007, 
pages 99-100

17 Michel Chossudovsky, Osamagate. Global Research: October 9, 2001:
18 Michel Chossudovsky, Osamagate. Global Research: October 9, 2001:
19 ATOL, The Iraq Gold Rush. Asia Times Online: May 14, 2004:

20 Michel Chossudovsky, The Criminalization of the State: "Independent Kosovo", 
a Territory under US-NATO Military Rule. Global Research: February 4, 2008:

21 Dan Briody, The Halliburton Agenda: The Politics of Oil and Money. John Wiley
& Sons, Inc.: New Jersey, 2004: page 219

22 Laura Peterson, Kellogg Brown & Root (Halliburton). Center for Public 

23 John Perry, Baghdad Bonanza. Center for Public Integrity:

24 Robert Bryce and Julian Borger, Cheney is still paid by Pentagon contractor. 
The Guardian: March 12, 2003:

25 Cam Simpson, US Stalls on Human Trafficking. Chicago Tribune: December 27, 

26 Cam Simpson, U.S. to probe claims of human trafficking. Chicago Tribune: 
January 19, 2006:,0,1567028.story

27 Brian Ross, Maddy Sauer and Justin Rood, Victim: Gang-Rape Cover-Up by U.S., 
Halliburton/KBR. ABC News: December 10, 2007:

28 Business Wire, KBR Awarded Contracts for Construction and Fabrication 
Services by Shell Canada for Scotford Upgrader Expansion. BNet: May 14, 2007:

29 John Manley, Pedro Aspe, William Weld. ³Building a North American Community².

The Council on Foreign Relations: May 2005, page 25

30 Ibid, page 26

31 Embassy Report, Meet the Powerful Business Members of the North American 
Competitiveness Council. Embassy Magazine: June 13, 2007:

32 KBR, Board of Directors.

33 Elizabeth Becker, A NATION AT WAR: RECONSTRUCTION; Details Given On Contract 
Halliburton Was Awarded. The New York Times: April 11, 2003:

34 Rupert Cornwell, Halliburton given $30m to expand Guantanamo Bay. The 
Independent: June 18, 2005:

35 KBR, KBR Awarded U.S. Department of Homeland Security Contingency Support 
Project for Emergency Support Services. Press Releases: 2006 Archive, January 
24, 2006:

36 Peter Dale Scott, The Road to 9/11: Wealth, Empire, and the Future of 
America. University of California Press: 2007, page 240

37 Peter Dale Scott, Homeland Security Contracts for Vast New Detention Camps. 
Pacific News Service: February 8, 2006:

38 Lewis Seiler and Dan Hamburg, Rule by Fear or Rule by Law? The San Francisco 
Chronicle: February 4, 2008: 

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